Underpinning this, however, will be artificial intelligence. In technological terms, this is the earthshot goal that politics must pursue. But the focus on this issue needs to be relentless, with investment in technological innovation and efficiency at the heart of it. Key to this has been the growth in renewable energy, with some forecasts predicting that zero-carbon technologies will overtake fossil fuels and provide more than half of the world’s generation needs by 2030. But there is a compelling argument that Western nations are using technology to liberate the environment and are increasingly conscious of the need to produce and consume more wisely. This debate has its genesis in the Industrial Revolution and the resource use that was required to build modern, capitalist economies. The question is whether a new model is needed, or whether technological change-based on its existing trends-can result in the necessary dematerialisation. The growing clamour to tackle climate change has also opened up debates around the sustainability of capitalism. What are the skills needed for workers to withstand technological shocks? What is the right balance between labour and capital, when over-incentivising technology might hurt productivity by under-developing the human capital necessary to complement it? And should the OECD consensus on taxing labour more heavily than capital change? This raises questions about education and retraining, welfare and human purpose. For example, the nature of work is changing, as a result of new business models and labour-replacing technologies that raise the spectre of large-scale worker displacement. It is a hyper-documented time, and in a far more diverse and open public sphere some of the potential effects that technology might have on public policy are being widely explored. Politics and journalism, once the gatekeepers and leaders of public debate, have had their power eroded and are scrambling to hold onto control by lowering their standards. The overall effect of such change can feel like a cacophony in which it is hard to discern the signal from the noise. But, like some of the great reform legislation of the nineteenth century, new media have enfranchised many more people. Their application is often unforeseeable, while the unintended consequences of connecting billions of people can be chaotic. We live in an age of abundance, but in an abstract sense. This has raised the potential of what is possible, but so too has it changed people’s perceptions. Every country can be open to outside developments, and whereas in the eighteenth century the UK was an early exporter of new knowledge, many of the most significant developments today are happening in the US, China and other leading nations of Europe. The innovation engine is also no longer the national economy in the way that it was during the Industrial Revolution. The countries that are thriving are those that innovative, adopt and adapt. This has in turn brought many people closer to economy: the restless inventiveness of a place like Silicon Valley was born out of public funding, but it thrived because the internet enabled distributed entrepreneurship and decentralised power. New business models have evolved, with platforms, aggregators and infrastructure businesses blowing away old models that controlled distribution and had costly fixed assets. The companies that have dominated this age to date have done so as result of significant economies of scale and strong network effects. But the potential for reordering is even more substantial than in the past. Worries around corporatism are rising and consequently, calls for socialism are becoming louder. There are deep questions around inequality, productivity and regulatory capture. Today, as the world undergoes a profound period of technological change, far beyond what was experienced during the Industrial Revolution, there are some rhymes of history. But its diffusion ended up permeating both, ultimately reshaping political parties before the founding of the Labour Party, representing the culmination of a long debate over the role of capital and rights of workers. Technological transformation took a long time to feed through to politics and policy. As it spread-first to Western Europe and the United States-it also left a much wider mark on the world. Institutions, industry and demography were all to change course and, ultimately, little about life in Britain was left untouched by the Revolution. They disrupted society, upending old structures, as well as building new ones. The innovations that kickstarted the Industrial Revolution fostered modern democracy and led to the foundation of modern economies. Modernity, as we currently understand it, was conceived in England in the mid-eighteenth century.
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